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How Jair Bolsonaro's stabbing changed Brazil, one year removedThe moment when Bolsonaro was stabbed. / Source: The Brazilian Report

Reviewed, corrected and notes by Russell Craig Richardson

Collaboration with Dorota Czerner

There is no way to avoid being long-winded or critical about what is happening today under the Bolsonaro government. His authoritarian and irresponsible stance in the face of the current pandemic that affects not only the country, but also the world, is something that we should consider natural coming from a President who did not take part in public debates nor present what his plans would be if elected. Let’s say, in short, that this individualistic and protectionist policy (in relation to his own family, at least) is exactly as expected.

The Bolsonaro phenomenon begins, in my view, with the failure of democratic governments in relation to public administration. Neoliberal thinking has taken over state administrations and undermined policies to improve public health, education and security. Therefore, there has been a growing exploitation of the neoliberal discourse – where the common worker becomes a potential entrepreneur – in order to deceive the Brazilian people.

Let’s start with the over-hyped 2014 election, in which, motivated by popular movements on the streets of the country the previous year, there was a polarization of the so-called “new right”. Led by Aécio Neves1, the PSDB candidate, there was also a growing wave of misogynist speech aimed at the then President Dilma Rousseff, as well as economic concerns since the previous year’s deepening worldwide crisis, and the concomitant drastic increase in unemployment in this country.

1[a centre-right politician for the Social Democratic Party of Brazil]

Even while under investigation about a helicopter containing five hundred kilos of cocaine found on a family member’s farm, Aécio Neves managed – together with groups that rose up at that time, such as the Free Brazil Movement (MBL) and Vem Pra Rua2 – to escalate right-wing speeches that would later become more aggressive and flirt with fascist positions in the hands of Jair Bolsonaro.

2 [‘Take to the Streets’ a self-declared supposedly non-partisan, anti-corruption movement]

I could see, as a voter myself, that after the victory of Dilma Rousseff the remaining voters found themselves without a candidate “up to the task”, when, soon afterwards, the attempt of Aécio and the PSDB to have the elections declared invalid failed. This was a shot in the foot, since Aécio was already floundering in allegations of corruption and realized his public image was too tarnished for any future candidacy.

Thus, was Bolsonaro born. (We must remember that Jair Messias Bolsonaro had begun his political career almost thirty years before the 2014 election.) With strong support from the abovementioned popular movements and substantial exposure on television stations, he was seen as a martyr by voters angered by the re-election of Dilma Rousseff. And Bolsonaro’s big opportunity would come.

With important political and economic crises plaguing the country, the dramatic rise in unemployment and the decrease in consumer purchasing power (which was one of the strategies of the PT3  to win the electorate, at the expense of a policy of raising popular awareness, and improvements in social welfare), President Dilma Rousseff was embroiled in an impeachment investigation hinging on budgetary irregularities. With impeachment looking likely, the then president, though democratically elected and without proven responsibility for any crime, refused to bow to the will of the country’s economic élite and resign.

3 [Partido dos Trabalhadores = Workers’ Party]

In the meantime, the parties that considered themselves ‘of the center’ and those flirting with the right were able to raise their flags with no hindrance. Certain of the victory against democracy, they saw their popularity grow and characters of doubtful intellectual ability such as Joice Hasselmann, Alexandre Frota, Olavo de Carvalho – among others – began to endorse the figure of Jair Massias Bolsonaro who – having Messiah4 as his middle name, after all  – was the person backed by evangelical and Catholic leaders as the future president.

4[ literally: ‘Massias’ means Messiah]

The secularity of the country’s Constitution did not prevent Bolsonaro from using “Brazil above all, God above all” as his slogan. Aécio Neves’ former supporters and colleagues saw the angelic figure of Bolsonaro as an instrument of victory against the Workers’ Party’s political project of a communist takeover, a victory which had never occurred in the previous almost 15 years of electioneering.

In 2018, Bolsonaro was trailing behind Lula in polls for the October elections. The former president would have easily won the first round, only challenged by Bolsonaro – who did not reach 50% in voter intentions. However, there were three crucial occurrences that gave Bolsonaro’s victory that same year:

1) Lula’s arrest on trumped-up corruption charges;

2) the tribunal led by the hero of the Brazilian right, Justice Sérgio Moro, which disqualified Lula from standing in the election;

3) a knife attack on Bolsonaro at a political rally.5

Result: Bolsonaro became a martyr.

As for the President’s plans to rule the country: we are all enjoying them thus far, in May 2020.

5 [by one Adélio Bispo de Oliveira – judged as insane and not responsible for his actions.

Bolsonaro recovered after what was a serious stab wound to the stomach.]

Bolsonaro is a phenomenon because even after allegations about the involvement of his family in the murder of activist Marielle Franco including his photograph alongside one of the alleged killers; even after the numerous ‘fake news’ stories aired during the run-up to the 2018 elections; even after the departure of Sergio Moro from the government to claims that the President wanted to be ‘on the inside’ of Federal Police investigations and intended to put a friend of his family in charge of the institution; even after hailing and honoring the barbaric acts against Brazilian democracy in the military dictatorship that claimed the lives of thousands of people, there are still people who steadfastly support him. There are those who still believe in a messianic figure who will bring salvation to the Brazilian people.

The Bolsonaro phenomenon is as viral as COVID-19: the difference is that it is harmful to mental health and the symptoms are the same as the disease of fascism.